For several decades, the peoples of the Middle East have been regressing in all fields. Most of them live in extreme poverty, with no growth, development, or progress, especially in republican countries such as Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, etc., while countries with a monarchy, or princely system, live better, not because of their economic and political policies, but because most of them have huge financial resources.
One of the main reasons for this regression is religious fanaticism on the one hand, and national fanaticism on the other. Those who stand behind these two forms of fanaticism do not belong to their homelands. Rather, the religious fanatic thinks of his Islamic nation, and the nationalist fanatic thinks of his Arab nationalism.
Lebanon’s geography is shared by three main sects (Sunnis, Shiites, and Christians) and assume that between them there is some sort of contract for co-existingNamroud Suleiman
Religious or national fanaticism turns into a practice that creates a fertile atmosphere for division among the components of society, and the possibility of reaching the maximum extent of an internal war from time to time because the fanatic rejects the “other” who differs from him/her and considers himself/herself the “owner of the house” and the others as “guests” who must obey the rules. We see this reality in most Arab countries.
If we look at the Lebanese scene for example, we note that Lebanon’s geography is shared by three main sects (Sunnis, Shiites, and Christians) and assume that between them there is some sort of contract for co-existing.
But in reality, there is no country called Lebanon because the Shiite thinks only of one’s own Shiite sect, as does the Sunni and also the Christian. Each sect has an external national affiliation stronger than its affiliation with Lebanon. The Shiites have the strongest affiliation with Iran, the Sunnis with Saudi Arabia, and the Christians with their “caring mother” France.
Because of this, Lebanon has turned into a failed state, and its people suffer because of sectarian differences, as do the rest of the republics in different ways.
i do not want a Syria that harnesses the capabilities of the present for the sake of the pastNamroud Suleiman
The new Syria that I want must fight religious, national, political, and regional fanaticism. I want a Syria of citizenship and citizenship only, regardless of sizes and weights. I want a Syria that knows how to harness the past in order to build the future. I do not want a Syria that harnesses the capabilities of the present for the sake of the past.
I want a different Syria in which colors, religions, races, and sects coexist in safety, security, justice, and equality. A rose garden of different colors shines with beauty, while the beauty of a rose garden of one color is stunted.