The future of Arabs and Kurds in Syria, in my opinion, lies in living together to build a true country under a law that protects everyone. Kurds came to Syria 2,000 years ago from the Persian Plateau, and Arabs also arrived in Syria 2,000 years ago from Yemen and the Arabian Peninsula. Based on my knowledge and readings, it seems to me that the main obstacle standing in the way of national unity is that Kurds currently living in Syria see themselves as belonging to one of three categories.
Arabized Kurds consider themselves to be Syrians and even Arabs. Some of them do not even know the Kurdish language, and others deny that they are Kurds altogether. Many Kurds in this group may be the result of forced assimilation policies that began decades ago.
with the Ba’ath party and its primarily Alawite leaders taking power, the treatment of Alawites changed, while discrimination continued toward the Kurds
Some Kurds prefer to see themselves as Kurdish Syrians. Members of this group, especially those in Damascus and Aleppo, believe they have earned their right to be Syrian citizens. Others, however, feel their rights have been neglected, particularly regarding the issue of “Al-Ghamr”, which forced Kurds off of their land and was indeed extremely unjust and harmful to the Kurdish community.
It highlighted a discriminatory and superior attitude from the ruling authorities in Syria toward the Kurdish community since the 1950s. This attitude dates back to the 1940s and 1950s and affected Alawites and Kurds equally. But with the Ba’ath party and its primarily Alawite leaders taking power, the treatment of Alawites changed, while discrimination continued toward the Kurds.
The policies of forced integration targeting the Kurdish population in Syria have often involved seizing Kurdish lands and redistributing them to non-Kurds
In the Syrian context, the term “Al-Ghamr” (literally “submersion” or “immersion”) refers to demographic changes that occurred in Kurdish-inhabited areas. This relates to the “Arab Belt” project implemented in northeastern Syria during the 1960s. The project aimed to resettle Arab populations from other areas onto Kurdish agricultural lands, thereby altering the region’s demographic composition, particularly in the Syrian Jazira area.
The policies of forced integration targeting the Kurdish population in Syria have often involved seizing Kurdish lands and redistributing them to non-Kurds. This practice was part of broader efforts by the government to alter the demographic and cultural landscape, aiming to dilute Kurdish identity and enforce assimilation into the dominant society. The Arab Belt project in Syria, aimed to resettle Arab populations on lands previously owned by Kurds, forcibly altering the ethnic composition in what were previously Kurdish-majority regions.
The third category comprises Kurds who resisted the assimilation tactics and continued to see themselves as Kurdistanis
The project began with relocating tens of thousands of Arab families to lands that the government had seized from Kurdish inhabitants. This came after the construction of the Euphrates Dam, which “submerged” farmland in Kurdish areas under water. As a result, the demographic and social makeup of the region shifted, causing tensions that continue to impact the area to this day.
The third category comprises Kurds who resisted the assimilation tactics and continued to see themselves as Kurdistanis. They continue to believe they are part of Kurdistan, a region historically denied the chance to establish a state, unlike Syrians and Iraqis. Therefore, they believe they too should have a state that includes a small part of Syria, such as the areas around Qamishli and Ras al-Ayn, which have historically had a majority Kurdish population. Another portion of this group has larger ambitions, envisioning a state that includes large swathes of Syrian territory.
These three groups are approximately equally represented in the Kurdish community.
